The narrative surrounding César Chávez and the rise of the United Farm Workers (UFW) is undergoing a significant re-evaluation, with historians increasingly highlighting the pivotal role played by Filipino farmworkers. “There would be no UFW without Larry Itliong,” asserts Robyn Magalit Rodriguez, a Filipina historian.

A History of Silencing

Robyn Magalit Rodriguez, who helped launch the Filipino Studies program at UC Davis, notes a historical reluctance to critique Chávez. “It always felt like ‘do not touch César Chávez,’” she said on Thursday, March 26, 2026. She believes this has led to the silencing of Filipino contributions to the labor movement. “There’s been a lot of silencing in the UFW, I think, frankly. Including silencing around our role,” Rodriguez stated. “Let’s stop the silence of all of it. Let’s get justice for the victims, and get justice for all of the people who have been silenced.”

Mexican-Filipino Solidarity

UFW spokesman Antonio De Loera-Brust acknowledged the importance of this often-overlooked history. In a statement, he emphasized that “the entire labor movement must learn the lessons of the Mexican-Filipino solidarity that founded the UFW: workers are stronger when we are united than when we let ourselves be divided by our race, language, religion or what country we were born in.” He explained that growers historically exploited divisions between Mexican and Filipino workers.

The Delano Grape Strike of 1965

The roots of the UFW can be traced back to the Delano grape strike of September 8, 1965, initiated by Filipino farmworkers. These workers, known as “manongs” – meaning “older brothers” in Filipino – demanded improved working conditions from vineyard owners in the San Joaquin Valley. They walked off the job, picketed the fields, and allowed grapes to rot, initiating a five-year strike.

Larry Itliong's Leadership

Larry Itliong, a key figure in the strike, led over 1,000 workers from the Agricultural Worker’s Organizing Committee onto the picket lines. Rodriguez emphasizes that Itliong’s organizing efforts predated Chávez and Dolores Huerta’s involvement. “We were better organizers in the movement well before César Chávez and Dolores Huerta started organizing,” she said. However, she acknowledges the importance of Mexican worker participation, stating, “there was no winning for the Filipinos without the Mexicans.”

Chávez's Delayed Involvement

Despite the initial momentum generated by the Filipino workers, Chávez waited eight days before joining the strike. Rodel Rodis, a Filipino lawyer and former San Francisco State University educator, recounts Itliong’s firm stance: “If we go on strike and you’re not ready to go for three years, I guarantee if you’re ready to go on strike, we’re going to scab out your strike.” Itliong insisted on immediate action, ultimately contributing to the formation of the UFW.

A History of Exploitation

The demand for Filipino labor began as early as 1923, predating the large-scale influx of Mexican workers under the Bracero Program. Growers sought Filipino workers, who were exempt from immigration restrictions that applied to Chinese and Japanese laborers. According to Eugene Nelson’s 1966 book “Huelga,” a grower’s spokesman once described Filipinos as “the more disturbing and more dangerous than any other Asiatic group.”

Recent Allegations and a Call for Justice

Recent allegations of sexual abuse against Chávez have added another layer of complexity to the re-evaluation of his legacy. Rodis described the news as “shocking” and expressed concern that it could diminish the achievements of the labor movement. Rodriguez continues to archive and research the contributions of Filipino farmworkers from her home in Kelseyville, striving for a more accurate and inclusive historical record.