Former UK Health Secretary Jeremy Hunt has opened up about the gruelling political battle he faced during the 2015-16 junior doctors' strikes, a conflict he describes as the most draining of his career. In a first-person account, Hunt details how his push to reform NHS contracts—driven by data showing a 15% higher death rate for weekend admissions—triggered mass protests, a 98% strike vote, and peronal abuse that saw him become the country's most disliked politician with an approval rating of minus 48%.

The 15% Weekend Mortality Gap That Sparked the Conflict

According to Hunt's account, the core dispute was over a stark statistic: patients admitted to hospital at weekends had a 15% higher death rate than those admitted on weekdays, leading to approximately 6,000 potentially avoidable deaths per year. hunt says he was determined to get more doctors working on Saturdays and Sundays by changing junior doctors' contracts, believing the reforms could save lives. However, the British Medical Association (BMA), the doctors' union, disputed the claim and argued that the new contracts would amount to a pay cut—a charge Hunt calls a 'wrongful assertion.' The BMA's strike ballot returned an overwhelming 98% in favour of industrial action, setting the stage for months of walkouts.

Hunt's focus on the weekend effect placed him in a long line of NHS reformers who have clashed with medical unions over productivity. His predecessor Andrew Lansley had been demoted after similar attempts at reform, and a senior civil servant warned Hunt that crossing the line into union territory could end his career. Yet Hunt pressed on, receiving private backing from then-Prime Minister David Cameron.

Hunt's Minus-48% Approval Rating and the Flour-Coated Car

The personal toll on Hunt was immense. He writes that he was 'the most disliked person in the country,' with protestors climbing on top of his car and covering it with flour. Weekend marches drew 20,000 doctors chanting 'Hunt must go.' Even radio presenters deliberately mispronounced his surname. In one anecdote, Hunt describes attempting to take a family holiday to the US over Easter, only to have a BBC news crew arrive at his door as the BMA announced new strikes. He changed into a suit, gave a press clip, then swapped back to jeans around the corner—just barely making his flight. The episode, as Hunt recounts, left him an 'unpopular dad .'

The intensity of the protests highlights how deeply the issue resonated with the public. Unlike previous union battles, the BMA instructed its doctors to appear 'reasonable and sympathetic,' a strategy Hunt acknowledges was clever.. Public support for the junior doctors never wavered, even as Hunt doubled down by imposing new contracts after one strike concluded.

BMA's 'Reasonable' Strategy That Outflanked the Government

Hunt credits the BMA with running a masterful communications campaign. He compares them favourably to miners' leader Arthur Scargill, writing that the doctors were 'the bright offspring of middle-class parents' who appeared measured on screen. Their tactic was to avoid class-warrior rhetoric and instead focus on patient safety and fair pay. By contrast, Hunt says he concentrated on appearing 'determined and unyielding,' hoping the unions would eventually give up. They did not—the BMA not only announced further strikes but raised the stakes by threatening to withdraw emergency care.

The battle over weekend death rates remains one of the most contested chapters in NHS history. Critics have argued that the weekend effect may be due to patient mix or coding, not staffing levels. Hunt's account does not address these counterarguments, leaving open the question of whether his reforms actually improved outcomes. According to the source, Hunt used his legal powers to impose new contracts, but the long-term impact on weekend mortality is not discussed.

What Remains Unanswered: Did the Weekend Death Tally Fall?

The source article focuses almost entirely on the political struggle, not the policy outcomes. It is unclear from Hunt's account whether the 6,000 avoidable deaths figure decreased after the contract imposition. Independent analyses of the weekend effect have produced mixed results, with some studies suggesting the mortality difference is not solely due to staff availability. Hunt does not mention any follow-up data or the results of his reforms. Nor does he address the BMA's stance that the weekend effect is a symptom of broader NHS underfunding, not doctor contracts. These unanswered questions leave the reader without a verdict on whether Hunt's battle was worth the political carnage.

Another missing piece is the role of subsequent health secretaries. After Hunt, the contract dispute officially ended, but issues of morale and staffing in the NHS have persisted. The former health secretary's reflective narrative offers a gripping personal account but skips over the system's enduring challenges.